CURSOR 10
CURSOR 10: 21C Artists and the Big “T’s”; On the immediate need for Digital Humanities and strategies for implementation in the dimensional art production schematic
Paul McLean
For a presentation in Humanities 340 (Research Tool for the Digital Humanities)

In a vision-enabled society, reliant upon dimensional tools and methods, one important job-description of the visionary is to see a potential threat (the “T” in SWOT), and alert his fellows to the impending danger. (Please refer to “Maciariello’s Proof” for a structural diagram of the vision-enabled society, and for the structural diagram of the anti-visionary society.) A determination of what social elements pose the internal threat of anti-vision, is therefore of vital interest to the sustainable society.
In previous CURSOR entries, we have at least superficially raised warnings about environmental threats to art and the Humanities. I have suggested that these threats not only endanger the survival of traditional forms of discourse and the preservation of our shared cultural assets, but also threaten the enlightened civilization that deemed humanistic enterprise valuable.
At the top of the list, I have suggested, we find ensconced or embedded (in a broadly relevant usage of the term, in both old and new media) a minutely fractional portion of the civilization that benefits massively from an epistemological status quo. In my Thesis I reductively identify this contingent as the “Davos Man” or “Superclass,” to use another writer’s assignation.
The tool of implementation utilized by that Superclass to substantially dominate global affairs in Drucker’s three sectors (government, business and social) is the multinational corporation. It arises from two key components: private ownership (especially of land) and artificial personhood. I have devoted significant resources to identifying and documenting through dimensional analysis the implications of this phenomenon, which is now approaching the twilight of its second century in operation.
The primary vehicle for design implementation of the will of the Superclass upon the rest of us is the field and class of Management. With any field and class there is culture formed. I have established a symbol to personify that culture. It is the Golem. The Cyclops in my work is the anti-golem, a construct I intend to explain in detail, but which I have already begun to comment on fairly extensively. I have suggested that the Golem possesses a sort of artificial intelligence that operates relationally and congruently to the corporate body, its artificial personhood.
To begin to profile the corporate AI, one only has to research the needs a corporation satisfies, the mechanisms it employs to achieve its aims, and the effects the corporation evidences in the world. One need satisfied by the corporation in service to its owners that has proven particularly onerous for art and culture, and by extension, Democratic freedoms, is that of risk minimization, and its close relative damage control (not speaking of the common welfare, but rather solely with regards the corporate welfare).
There is little in the creation of art or the defense of representative, bottom-up Democracy that prioritizes risk aversion and damage control. Art and Democracy are messy.
Corporations as they now exist evolved on a timeline. Although there are millions of corporations, it is not unhelpful to reduce the corporation to a construct in order to identify its general functions and attributes. For the purposes of CURSOR, this contention is easy to illustrate.
I suggested that conceptually the 21C Museum Hotel and Destination Gallery at First Union Tower are similar. Actually, they are very nearly structurally identical, although the articulation of corporate action is slightly differentiated in each case. This would also be true of the Hollywood and Corporate Curator cases (and by extension, the case NY Times, which faces serious problems of its own in the old/new media hierarchy shift), with some slight modifications relative to the extension of property definitions to include old and new media “art” material, which can be owned and exchanged like portions of land.
To state the obvious, Destination (at First Union Tower) and 21C Museum Hotel are examples of sited enterprises. The fates of most property-based enterprises, at least in America, are directly or indirectly predicted by the decisions of managers. A corporate management apparatus will base those decisions, contingent on funds and property, on a cost/benefit analysis and other such measures.
Cost/benefits and measurements have little to do with representative Democracy’s definition of accountability. Democracy is a bottom-up proposition. Corporate projections and measurements are bottom line propositions. To understand the difference, refer to the disgraceful GM C/K truck line (“side-saddle” gas tank) and Ford Pinto cases. This is fundamentally a question of the value of human life.
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From Richard Haass’ The Bureaucratic Entrepreneur: How To Be Effective in Any Unruly Organization:
Understanding why business management precepts tend not to provide much guidance for the public sector requires a quick look at the basic differences between the two worlds. In business, success and failure can be measured and identified by the bottom line: profits. The public sector has no clear equivalent; there is no profit. Rather, performance measures can vary according to ideology and policy preferences… In short, Peter Drucker’s question – “What is the bottom line when there is no ‘bottom line’?” – is difficult to answer.
Richard Haass belongs to the Superclass. So did Peter Drucker, although you would have a hard time proving it. What both Haass and Drucker fail to acknowledge is that representative Democracy does have a clear, articulated bottom line: maximum individual freedom in an equitable commonwealth. The problem such men as Haass and Drucker have with representative government is that the top-down corporate bottom line culture and the Superclass it services are antithetical in needs, aims, means, effects and mechanisms to those of the Democracy. Why, then, would someone like Haass devote so much of his life to public service, and how is it that Drucker would receive a Presidential Medal of Freedom just before his death?
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Axiom: In its operational modality, freedom is a self-contained and shared mandate. The obverse of this mandate is the cost-benefit analysis for the purposes of risk aversion, as demonstrated by the corporate multinational.
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My friend Jason Coulston commented on my Facebook “What’s on your mind?” post (“Art and Democracy are messy.”): “Love and food are also just as messy.” Let’s carry this a little further: Life and Death are messy. But this isn’t really true, is it, if one happens to be an artificial person, a corporate golem? If “you” happen to be corporate person Blackwater or AIG, and it helps clean up the “brand” or solve legal issues, “you” simply change your name. “You” can take your free speech (money) with you, and your rights (to own land/property). “You” can legally deprive your employees of privacy, free speech, and property rights. And so on, as Kurt would say.
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Axiom: Representative Democracy is managed by and accountable to the people that it represents. Corporations manage workers and are accountable to the bottom line.
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Continuing our dimensional analysis, let’s scrutinize sub-currents in the waveform. One is the emergence of online social networks, such as MySpace, Facebook, Flickr, YouTube, Twitter and Delicious, to name only a few of the more popular of many. As we have discussed in class, corporate ownership (e.g., Murdoch’s purchase of MySpace) of these social networks is problematic. Exactly how extensive are the ownership rights of these corporations, relative to the personal data, artwork, ideas, etc., that people post on social network sites? In light of recent layoffs at MySpace, and rumors that Murdoch might sell the company for which he paid an astronomical sum, is it possible he bought MySpace to kill it? Only last week, Representative John Conyers questioned Murdoch’s the politicization of the editorial page at the Wall Street Journal (the WSJ is another recent Murdoch acquisition). Perhaps a more appropriate direction for our inquiry would involve taking a look at the consolidation of media.
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One of the most troubling trends for the American Democracy is the consolidation of media over the past half-century. I leave it to the reader to research this subject. I would recommend Ben H. Bagdikian’s work on the subject. Recent coverage of alleged deals between Murdoch (Fox, Bill O’Reilly) and GE (MSNBC, Keith Olbermann) to arrest or suppress contention between the two program hosts reveals the relevance of the subject. What about the surveillance of US citizens by Federal operatives, facilitated by the nation’s most powerful telcom corporations (ATT, Sprint, etc.)?
From the Media Reform Information Center (www.corporations.org/media/):
In 1983, 50 corporations controlled the vast majority of all news media in the U.S. At the time, Ben Bagdikian was called “alarmist” for pointing this out in his book, The Media Monopoly. In his 4th edition, published in 1992, he wrote “in the U.S., fewer than two dozen of these extraordinary creatures own and operate 90% of the mass media” — controlling almost all of America’s newspapers, magazines, TV and radio stations, books, records, movies, videos, wire services and photo agencies. He predicted then that eventually this number would fall to about half a dozen companies. This was greeted with skepticism at the time. When the 6th edition of The Media Monopoly was published in 2000, the number had fallen to six. Since then, there have been more mergers and the scope has expanded to include new media like the Internet market. More than 1 in 4 Internet users in the U.S. now log in with AOL Time-Warner, the world’s largest media corporation.
In 2004, Bagdikian’s revised and expanded book, The New Media Monopoly, shows that only 5 huge corporations — Time Warner, Disney, Murdoch’s News Corporation, Bertelsmann of Germany, and Viacom (formerly CBS) — now control most of the media industry in the U.S. General Electric’s NBC is a close sixth.
Here is an excerpt from the book, immediately relevant to our discussion in CURSOR:
In the last 5 years, a small number of the country’s largest industrial corporations has acquired more public communications power-including ownership of the news-than any private businesses have ever before possessed in world history.
Nothing in earlier history matches this corporate group’s power to penetrate the social landscape. Using both old and new technology, by owning each other’s shares, engaging in joint ventures as partners, and other forms of cooperation, this handful of giants has created what is, in effect, a new communications cartel within the United States.
At issue is not just a financial statistic, like production numbers or ordinary industrial products like refrigerators or clothing. At issue is the possession of power to surround almost every man, woman, and child in the country with controlled images and words, to socialize each new generation of Americans, to alter the political agenda of the country. And with that power comes the ability to exert influence that in many ways is greater than that of schools, religion, parents, and even government itself.
Aided by the digital revolution and the acquisition of subsidiaries that operate at every step in the mass communications process, from the creation of content to its delivery into the home, the communications cartel has exercised stunning influence over national legislation and government agencies, an influence whose scope and power would have been considered scandalous or illegal twenty years ago.
The new communications cartel has been made possible by the withdrawal of earlier government intervention that once aspired to protect consumers and move toward the ideal of diversity of content and ownership in the mass media. Government’s passivity has emboldened the new giants to boast openly of monopoly and their ability to project news, commercial messages, and graphic images into the consciousness and subconscious of almost every American.
Strict control of public information is not new in the world, but historical dictatorships lacked the late twentieth century’s digital multimedia and distribution technology. As the country approaches the millennium, the new cartel exercises a more complex and subtle kind of control.
For the reader, and for the purposes of our dimensional analysis, it should now be clear why the Digital Humanities are so important. The DH movement places the most powerful new tools ensured by the “old” Democracy directly into your hands, permitting the user maximized independence for unmediated expression, at least insofar as any tool can. To produce content for the web and to self-publish it - without the intervention of agent, publisher, critic, or any other managing entity, for direct and immediate review by one’s peers - is in fact a revolutionary action.
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For corporate multinationals, risk management is a primary concern, and this entails forecasting in real time. As any of us knows, making a plan is a dodgy enterprise. Comprehending the decision-making apparatus of a corporate multinational, if such a thing is actually possible, should cause great concern in any Democratic free thinker. What’s at stake is the present and future quality of life for the individual in a free society, as opposed to a society of organizations (ref., Drucker) or corporations. Given the current public discourse, what is the syndicate of corporations planning for you and your fellows?
I am now speaking to the presumptively intangible (dimensional) components of free society, such as free expression, free press, privacy, or, really, any form of personal freedom. I routinely argue that fine art occupies the pinnacle of the free speech hierarchy, whose locus is variable. Art, as has been fairly demonstrated, can be made portable, but in others is dependent on architecture. Architecture, clearly, is a medium that is land-based and site specific in its articulated state. Policies affecting or determining ownership of land or occupancy on it are therefore of central concern to the artist whose art is relational to or contingent upon brick-and-mortar architecture. Inherently, then, art in the context of architecture is contingent on the definitions assigned to ownership of land by the civilization in and for which art and architecture is created.
Now we can see why new media is such a quandary for those whose power is dependent on command and control of the exchange of funds and land. New media threatens the hierarchy, the management (selectivity) apparatuses for ownership and occupancy of land. This can only be understood dimensionally, presupposing a comprehension of asymmetrical strategies and tactics, as motivated by risk aversion and damage control.
In short, any art (free speech) that is not contingent on owned property constitutes a threat to the ownership society, the society of organizations that manages that society, and the messaging system in place to serve the corporate agenda. To illustrate this point, we can look at the NEH Digital Humanities grant guidelines and ask some simple questions:
· Why is the selection criteria for applicants not based on the value of the proposed project to free and Democratic society?
· Why are certain commercial applications excluded as potential outcomes for proposed projects?
· Why are examples of successful proposals so narrow in their academic and historical purview, if not their technical trans-platform/project potential?
· Why is the emphasis on technical innovation, and what controls exist for regulating the secondary market for those innovations?
· Why are projects benefitting established Humanities communities and conferences excluded? Doesn’t this policy weaken their capacity for capitalizing on technical innovation and make them vulnerable to obsolescence?
· Why are corporations who will likely benefit from technical innovations resulting from the proposed projects not required to donate hardware, software and technical assistance to participants?
· Why are artist/creative projects excluded from the program? Does the NEH not realize that the NEA does not offer individual artist grants? Does the NEH not realize that it serves the Arts & Humanities? Does the NEH not realize that best practices in contemporary research methods for art production inherently involves “social science” technology and findings?
· Why, when a vital function of graduate/academic programs is to afford students the time, space, access, support infrastructure and other valuable cultural resources to devote themselves to innovative exploration, should this class of citizens be excluded from consideration?
· Why would the NEH exclude projects that would directly benefit the academic community, projects whose findings/output/technical advancements could provide immediate currency in/through free access to the most innovative projects and players, whose work is of immediate value for old/new media training processes across the educational spectrum (K through post-grad)? I am referring here to projects that result in textbook production, still the most common tool in classrooms.
· Why does the NEH discriminate against Point of View (POV)? Is not POV the very essence of the Arts & Humanities?
· Most tellingly of all – why does the NEH discriminate against “social action?” Is the NEH not an agency of a revolutionary form of government, namely the representative Democracy?
· Why does the NEH emphasize a globalist mandate, instead of a national mandate? Who is paying the bills?
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Ostensibly the free speech hierarchy is contained in the far-ranging knowledge-base and practicum known as Arts & Humanities. So-called Pop Culture has given A&H a run for its money, and according to proponents in the culture studies, entertainment or Marxian camps, won the race. For them, Jerry Springer is as relevant and successful as Dostoevsky. In reality, what we call “Pop Culture” is corporate culture.
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By owning popular culture, the corporate syndicate/monopoly has minimized the threat free speech poses to its messaging system. It has stabilized (see Drucker’s writing on the value of stability to the society of organizations) the inherently messy or “unruly” (Haass) Democratic free speech apparatus to serve the corporate interest, and enforce the will of the Superclass that owns, runs and funds the global corporate syndicate. The corporate syndicate promotes a culture of managed or stable society, a society for planned outcomes based on risk assessment, not a free society of driven by vision.
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From In Search of Stability: Explorations in Historical Political Economy (p. 66, “Ideology and economics”) by Charles S. Maier:
As one of the more perceptive articulators of business aspirations, Peter Drucker, claimed in a 1951 symposium sponsored by the Advertising Council: ‘We have gone a very long way in the direction of solving the basic ethical and basic political problem of an industrial society, the social and ethical harmony between the self-interest of our economic institutions and the social interests of society.’
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With the participation of the businessman in a fabric of social responsibility and national policy making, management ideology claimed a new inclusiveness. No longer could the managerial function be conceived in terms of the firm alone. In the era of the Cold War it involved a national mission: ‘There is no higher responsibility, there is no higher duty, of professional management than to gain the respect of the general public through objective participation in, and consideration of, national questions, even though these questions in many cases do not relate directly to their business problems.’ In effect this attitude represented the socialization of management: the tendency to fuse factory and society. Indeed one aspect of the new managerial claims was that the role of the manager was losing its specificity or becoming ambivalent in its meanings. ‘Manager’ now often implied more the concept of middle-management, the supervisor of a unit within a larger enterprise. ‘Executive’ was increasingly reserved the concept for those at the top, and this role was described as almost a super-human calling:
In many respects the role of the policy-forming executive in a business enterprise is unenviable. It is a perpetually demanding role; its rewards, both economically and socially, are rarely commensurate with the sacrifices it entails. Perhaps because of this, policy-making is an activity for which, like advanced medical research, only the exceptional and dedicated individual is truly fitted.
But top management had abdicated its leadership role to unions and government; its task was to reclaim them: ‘to play, once again, the part of the leader – the kind of leader who can capture the loyalty of employees, represent and personify the company in the public eye, and present a point of view effectively at a Congressional hearing.’
In this brief passage, we can see all the elements that contributed to the national catastrophe of 2008-9, the seeds of the Bush Presidency (that honored Drucker with a Medal of Freedom), the most massive redistribution of wealth in human history (to the Superclass/Financial Sector/Corporate Syndicate), the pervasive corruption of the national discourse and public institutions, and the near-bankruptcy (social, governmental, fiduciary, cultural) of America and her citizens.
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From: American Capitalism: Social Thought and Political Economy in the Twentieth Century by Nelson Lichtenstein:
Ventriloquizing through Stahl, Drucker argued “that state authority must lie with the rulers” and “the monarch is entitled to exercise supreme power completely and indivisibly.” Although the principle of state authority was inviolable, Stahl emphasized that the monarch was duty-bound “to subordinate his interest to that of the state and to respect the rights of his subjects.”
How is Drucker’s benevolent King/manager>CEO construct working for you; for the Arts & Humanities; and for America? This consideration of Drucker’s dimensional effects on A&H is particularly important, because the Drucker Institute is engaging in a campaign devoted to defining management as a liberal art. To develop a broader sense, using dimensional analysis, for assessing Drucker’s management schema on Democratic society, scan these seemingly unrelated issues (points of origination):
· The relationship of Yucaipa Companies to Claremont Graduate University
o Who is Ronald Burkle? ( http://www.allbusiness.com/media-telecommunications/movies-sound-recording-movies/6026975-1.html )
· GM and the UAW
o Question: was the recent “creative destruction” of GM designed primarily to eradicate the social, economic and political power of the UAW, a long-time aspiration of the management class?
o What was Peter Drucker’s first major gig as a consultant?
o How does this case scan trans-migrate to the issue of public education and health care (hint: Unions)
o How has corporate media framed these three issues involving unions (auto industry, health care and education); how does the corporate media profile the SEIU?
o What are the potential unionizing applications for Digital Humanities collective constructs and tools? What the potential democratizing applications for Digital Humanities collective constructs and tools?
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From the Yucaipa Companies website (http://www.yucaipaco.com/):
The Yucaipa Companies is a premier investment firm that has established a record of fostering economic value through the growth and responsible development of companies. Founded in 1986 by Ron Burkle, the firm has completed mergers and acquisitions valued at more than $30 billion. As an investor, Yucaipa works with management to strategically reposition businesses and implement operational improvements, resulting in value creation for investors.
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For the corporate multinational, short-term or immediate returns on investment animate the entity, but the entity’s long-term survival depends on a sequence of short-term choices by people. In such a schema, ownership and management of both Springer and Dostoevsky (as types) will be the best bet. In fact, ownership and management of everything is the best possible outcome.
Obviously, an inherent conflict between the corporate multinational and a representative Democracy exists. After all, free speech is by definition free. The Democratic form of government is managed by the people (for the people, etc.), with a mandate to protect the freedoms of the people. In other words, the multinational corporation by nature is anti-Democracy and anti-American.
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The structure of the corporate multinational is founded on management design principles. As one after another societal vehicle for free concourse in the commonwealth of individuals falls to the onslaught of corporate management anti-culture, the mechanisms of personal freedoms diminish proportionally. With those freedoms diminishes the value of human life. Where human life is not valued, there can exist little expectation for the environmental valuation, upon which human and possibly all life depends.
In the post-Hiroshima world, we must at least acknowledge that the ecosystem is contingent on human decision-making. If one is depressive, or has reason to be skeptical of the record of human choices, based on bad experiences, the realization that one bad choice in particular could be particularly devastating to all life may present a tipping point. In such cases, I would suggest doing a crossword in today’s paper or catching a summer popcorn fare at your local multiplex. I would not suggest one do as Japanese artist Sadamichi Hirasawa did, and, masquerading as a public official, visit your local bank branch to disseminate cyanide to the employees and customers (see Thesis).
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Please consider the agenda for the Allied Social Science Associations conference (January 3-5, 2009), as a possible answer to the question about NEH guidelines above regarding social science:
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Finally, let us consider the artist’s signature on a painting. Although the practice of signing artwork predates Democracy, how has the signature evolved since the American Democracy was established? What is a digital signature?